G. A. Grierson, The Prakrit Vibhasas, Journal of Royal Asiatic Society, vol.50, pp.489-517, 1918.
DOI : 10.1017/s0035869x00051844

. Cf, . Mudr?r?k?asa, . Pischel, and §. Grammar, The dating of the play remains uncertain as it depends on the identification of Vi??khadatta's patron, whose name varies in the manuscripts. It ranges from the fourth to the ninth century AD (Keith, The Sanskrit Drama

. Pischel and . Grammar, XXXIX?XL; Nai?adh?nanda of Har?a Karandikar and S, 1962.

. Karandikar, New and Second Hand Book-Stall, 1953), 'Introduction', XII?XIII

I. Warder, /. K?vya-literaturedelhi, /. Varanasi, and . Patna, It may be noted that if the forester (?avara) playing a part in the miniature play inserted in the sixth act of the Nai?adh?nanda does speak M?gadh?, the Prakrit used by the forester (vanecara) who comes to the court of Hari?candra in the second act of the Ca??akau?ika appears to be ?aurasen?. Besides, the young boy (ba?u) taking away Hari?candra's wife and son in the third act of the Ca??akau?ika, who must be the M?gadh?-speaking scoundrel referred to by Pischel, seems rather to make use of another Prakrit called ?vant?. For the M?gadh?-speaking allegorical characters appearing in K?em??vara's plays, see fn, The Bold Style, pp.3816-3821, 1988.

L. Leclère and . Théâtre, Inde médiévale 139. The language spoken by the spy in this scene will be analyzed in fn. 90. 39 In his replies, the main features of M?gadh? can be traced, with no feature of Pai??c?, except the unvoiced consonant th between vowels in b?g?rath?-dak?i?a-mas???hivai

V. R. Chojnacki, . Thapar, and . Soman?tha, Three Essays Collective From the time of Muhammad Gh?r? onwards, the Muslim rulers had styled themselves ham?ra in their bilingual coinage, whatever title they had assumed otherwise; cf. for instance, Demolishing Myths or Mosques and Temples, pp.65-92, 1999.

, See Lalitavigrahar?ja, pp.208-217

, 124 The identity of the Hamm?ra mentioned by Kalha?a in the contemporary R?jatara?gi?? with Ma?m?d of Ghazna has been proved by scholars by means of numismatic and archaeological evidence ; the Arabic title Am?rulmumin?n, from which the Sankrit Hamm?ra is derived, being applied on coins and elsewhere to the Ghaznavid Sult?n, pp.271-72

E. Bosworth, and also the genealogic table inserted at the beginning of the study. The date of Khusrau Sh?h's accession to the throne remains uncertain. n?mn? purask?ta? rad?-k?d?-n?madheya? m?lacchr?k?rasya guru-dvaya? p?tho-nidhi-pathena pravaha??dhir??ham ?gacchat druta-pre?ita-pracura-pravaha??dhir??hai? prav?rair band?k?tya stambhat?rthe dh?tam abh?t (Hamm?ramadamardana The locution r?jya-sth?pan?maya? pras?dam, translated here into 'the favour of establishing a kingdom', finds an echo in the Pur?tanaprabandhasa?graha, according to which 'the honorific title of master in enthroning kings was conferred upon Teja?p?la, pp.121-239, 1992.

K. Majumdar, Chaulukyas of Gujarat, vol.462, p.114, 1956.

N. Day, Some Aspects of Medieval Indian History, pp.8-9, 1971.

A. Siddiqui and K. , , pp.58-59

J. , The Delhi Sultanate, 38; Wink, Al-Hind, 155; Siddiqui, Authority and Kingship, 58. The account of the Islamic world given two centuries earlier in Buddhist texts from eastern India is more confused: Mecca is mistaken for a land where Baghd?d is located (Newman, 'Islam in the K?lacakra Tantra

, 173 desa-rakkha?a-viyakkha?assa m?lacch?k?ra-na?da?assa (Hamm?ramadamardana 35, pp.7-8

, 174 juval?vo (Hamm?ramadamardana 36

M. Chandra and . India, A century later, the young brother of Sultan All?vad??a, Ul?gh Kh?n, who was entrusted with the task of invading Gujarat, was styled 'crown prince of the amir', hamm?ra-juvar?a, Jinaprabha in the Vividhat?rthakalpa (cf. Chojnacki, Vividhat?rthakalpa, pp.388-89

T. Bosworth and . Later-ghaznavids, The Delhi Sultanate, 21. The words r??, r?na and thakur are renderings of the Indian titles r?ja, r??aka and thakkura, the first one designating king and the two others subordinate chieftains who had to support kings in wars in return for grants of land. A lower rank was that of cavalry commanders, r?uta or n?yaka

, 179 tad id?n?? mleccha-cakravarttinam amum abhyar?a-vartinam ananupravi?ata eva maru-pat?n urar?karotu devas tvaritatara-sañcara?ena (Hamm?ramadamardana 9, pp.15-16

, Every single horseman among the Turu?ka said boastfully, showing a rope: 'With this I shall bind and drag along Sussala!' (sa?dar?ya p??am etena baddhv? krak?y?mi sussalam | ity eka eko'?v?rohas turu?k???m akatthata || Stein, Kalha?a's R?jatara?gi??, vol.70

, but he was probably nothing else but an officer of Bahr?m Sh?h, the Ghaznavid king contemporary with Sussala (r. AD 1112?20 and AD 1121?28) According to Stein, the name sall?ra is probably a Sanskrit rendering of the Persian title sard?r, 'commander-in-chief'. It could also derive from Persian s?l?r, 'commander', which was used in the Ghaznavid military hierarchy in those times (Wink, Kalha?a mentions as their chief a man called Sall?ra Vismaya, p.91, 2002.

T. Bosworth and . Later-ghaznavids, For Peter Jackson, the victories of the Gh?rids in India cannot be explained only by the quality of their armaments or the presence of light-armed horse-archers among their troops. According to him, the best asset of the Gh?rids and the main reason of their triumphs was their heavy cavalry, pp.17-18

E. R. Cohen, 192 vist?r?atara-turaga-cam?-calana-calad-acal?-cakras turu?aka-v?ro'pi pray??akam ak?r??t (Hamm?ramadamardana 6.3?4). 193 ucca?diya-koa??a-gu?a-?a?k?ra-kavaliya-haya-hesiya-ravehi? (Hamm?ramadamardana 28.2? 3) In an illuminated manuscript of the K?lak?c?ryakath? dating from AD 1497, a mounted archer is to be found among the ??hi troops besieging, 191 deva deve?a hamm?ra-ka?aa-vutta?ta? j??idu? parassi? di?e pesido sa?pada? ?ado mhi ||: Indira Gandhi National Centre for the Arts/Manohar, pp.75-91, 2003.

, 196 Another medieval play, Ya?a?candra's Mudritakumudacandra, also proves that horses from Central Asia were renowned in medieval times and imported into India (cf. also Marco Polo's testimony in Wink, Al-Hind, 85), where members of the elite bought them as marks of richness and power. The director having alluded in the prologue to the author's grandfather Dhanadeva, minister of the C?ham?na kings of ??khambar?, the assistant asks: 'Is it this man at the entrance of whose house the him pursued the enemies, who ran away through fear of V?radhavala'. 207 '[M?lacchr?k?ra] then runs away, the surface of his toes barely touching the surface of the earth

. Cf and . Flood, Objects of Translation, pp.256-57

, 209 Vigrahar?ja also sacked the capital cities of the principalities which lay south of his kingdom and were allied to his enemy the Caulukya king Kum?rap?la According to an inscription, he notably 'made J?v?lipura the city of flames, Pallik? an insignificant village, and Na???la like a bed of reeds' (Choudhary, Political History, pp.134-169

K. Vigrahar?ja, Doorkeeper! May gold, cloths and other gifts be given to both these men as they must be given' (vigrahar?ja-deva? || prat?h?ram ?k?rya || prat?h?ra d?pyat?m etayor yath?-d?yam?na? kanaka-vasan?dis ty?ga? || cf

, Ah, this royal palace is full of riches beautiful in every respect! ?(having looked at the king standing before him, with joy and astonishment ): Ah, the appearance of this king which differs from everybody's is something unparalleled!' (d?ta? || samantato'valokya | s?nandam || aho sarv??ga-sundar?bhir vibh?tibhi? sa?p?r?a? r?ja-mandira? | ?]puro r?j?nam avalokya | s?nand?dbhutam || aho sakala-jana-vilak?a?a? ko'py aya? ap?rva ev?sya n?pater sa?nive?a? || cf, The messenger (having looked on all sides, pp.209-219

. Ga?gad?saprat?pavil?sa, E. B. Ga?g?dhara, . Sandesara, A. M. Pandit, and . Bhojak, beginning of the fifth act, p.41, 1973.